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BRONFENBRENNER, K., FRIEDMAN, F., HURD, R., OSWALD, R. & SEEBER R. (eds.). Organizing to Win: New Research on Union Strategies. Ithaca: New York, 1998, 370 p.
BUCKLEY, Christine. ‘Big unions being urged by activists to split from the party’, The Times, 19 mai 2008.
CLARK, L. & DRURY, I. ‘Here comes the summer of our discontent: As teachers’ strike cripples our schools, Brown is warned of further public sector walkouts’, Daily Mail, 25 avril 2008.
COATES, Sam. ‘Unions call for Business Secretary John Hutton’s head after “fall-out”’, The Times, 23 juillet 2008.
CROUCH, Colin. The Politics of Industrial Relations. London : Fontana, 1979, 224 p.
FAUCHER-KING, Florence. « La ‘modernisation’ du Parti travailliste, 1997-2007. Succès et difficultés de l’importation du modèle entrepreneurial dans un parti politique », Politix, vol. 21, n° 81, 2008, pp. 125-149.
FLOUD, R. & JOHNSON, P. (ed). The Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain. Volume III: Structural Change and Growth, 1939-2000. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, xx, 476 p.
GOULD, Philip. The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party. London: Abacus 1999
GRICE, Andrew. ‘Brown to reject calls for tax rise for higher paid’, Independent, 25 juillet 2008.
GRICE, A., RUSSELL, B. & MCSMITH, A. ‘As strike bites, unions press Brown to raise taxes on rich’, Independent, 17 juillet 2008.
HAY, Colin. ‘Narrating Crisis : The Discursive Construction of the “Winter of Discontent”’, Sociology, vol. 30, no. 2, May 1996, pp. 253-277.
HEERY, Edmund. ‘The Relaunch of the Trades Union Congress’, British Journal of Industrial Relations, vol. 36, No. 3, 1998, pp. 339-360.
HEERY, E., SIMMS, M. & SIMPSON, D. Research Bulletin: New Unionism Research Project, No. 5, June 1999, Cardiff University.
HENCKE, David. ‘MI5 opens door for union to represent spies’, Guardian, 12 September 2008.
—. ‘Political party funding: union cuts funds to MPs it says do not support Labour values’, Guardian, 10 juin 2008.
—. ‘Talks on future of public services turns fractious’, Guardian, 26 juillet 2008.
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KAHN, P., LEWIS N., LIVOCK, R. & WILES, P. avec l’assistance de MESHER J. Picketing. Industrial Disputes, Tactics and the Law, London: Routledge and Keegan Paul, 1983, xvi, 224 p.
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—. ‘Trade unions demand strike action rights in return for Labour Party donations’, Daily Telegraph, 3 juillet 2008.
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STEWART, Heather. ‘Dirty business: cleaning up the Square Mile’s mess’, Observer, 17 décembre 2006.
TAYLOR, Richard. The Trade Union Question in British Politics. Oxford: Blackwell, 1993, x, 406 p.
WADDINGTON J. & HOFFMANN R. (ed). Trade Unions in Europe: facing challenges and searching for solutions. Bruxelles: European Trade Union Institute, 2000, 713 p.
WINTOUR, Patrick. ‘Unions hit Brown with 130 demands’, Guardian, 18 juillet 2008.
WINTOUR, P. & WATT, N. ‘Unions put new demands to Brown’, Guardian, 30 juin 2008.
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Notes
Jonathan OLIVER, ‘Trade union chiefs ready to dump Brown’, The Times, 20 juillet 2008 ; Sam COATES, ‘Unions call for Business Secretary John Hutton’s head after “fall-out”’, The Times, 23 juillet 2008 ; David HENCKE, ‘Talks on future of public services turns fractious’, Guardian, 26 juillet 2008.
‘Public sector workers join exodus from Labour’, Daily Telegraph, 19 juin 2008 ; Christine BUCKLEY, ‘Big unions being urged by activists to split from the party’, The Times, 19 mai 2008 ; ‘Union “dismayed” at PM’s leadership’, Daily Express, 29 mai 2008.
David HENCKE, ‘Political party funding : union cuts funds to MPs it says do not support Labour values’, Guardian, 10 juin 2008 ; Alan JONES, ‘GMB threatens Labour MPs’ funds’, The Independent, 10 juin 2008 ; James KIRKUP, ‘Labour “too dependent on trade unions”’, Daily Telegraph, 30 juin 2008 ; The Guardian, ‘Power follows money’, Guardian, 3 juillet 2008 ; Rosa PRINCE, ‘Unison union leaders threaten to withdraw Labour funding’, Daily Telegraph, 10 juillet 2008 ; Andrew PIERCE & Richard TYLER, ‘Trade unions cash support for Labour in return for policy changes’, Daily Telegraph, 13 juillet 2008.
Patrick WINTOUR & Nicholas WATT, ‘Unions put new demands to Brown’, Guardian, 30 juin 2008 ; ‘If you earn £40,000 you can afford to pay higher taxes, say unions’, Daily Mail, 1 juillet 2008 ; Ryan KISIEL, ‘Ministers bow to union leaders over new rights for workers’, Daily Mail, 15 juillet 2008 ; Andrew GRICE, Ben RUSSELL & Andy MCSMITH, ‘As strike bites, unions press Brown to raise taxes on rich’, Independent, 17 juillet 2008.
George PASCOE-WATSON, ‘Brown snubs union strike call’, Sun, 7 juillet 2008 ; Andrew GRICE, ‘Brown to reject calls for tax rise for higher paid’, Independent, 25 juillet 2008.
Laura CLARK & Ian DRURY, ‘Here comes the summer of our discontent : As teachers’ strike cripples our schools, Brown is warned of further public sector walkouts’, Daily Mail, 25 avril 2008 ; ‘Will 2008 be a summer of discontent?’, Daily Telegraph, 23 juin 2008.
James KIRKUP ‘Trade unions demand strike action rights in return for Labour Party donations’, Daily Telegraph, 3 juillet 2008 ; Patrick WINTOUR, ‘Unions hit Brown with 130 demands’, Guardian, 18 juillet.
Chris HOWELL, Trade Unions and the State: The Construction of Industrial Relations Institutions in Britain, 1890-2000. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2005, pp. 56-58.
Ibid., p. 87.
Ibid., p. 92. Les wages councils, prévus par le Wages Councils Act de 1945, remplacent les trade boards créés au sortir de la Première guerre mondiale, et démantelés pour nombre d’entre eux pendant la dépression des années 1930. Les wages councils sont institués dans les secteurs où, du fait de la faiblesse des organisations syndicales et patronales, des mécanismes de libre négociation ne peuvent être mis en place.
Ibid., pp. 61-62.
Richard TAYLOR, The Trade Union Question in British Politics, Oxford : Blackwell, 1993, pp. 321-322.
Ibid., p. 301. Ces mesures se révèlent à double tranchant. Certes les dynamiques collectives de mobilisation et de passage à l’action sont sévèrement entravées par le passage à une démocratie de type indirect et représentatif, mais les votes à bulletin secret confèrent une nouvelle légitimité aux dirigeants syndicaux, et donnent plus de poids à une décision de faire grève.
Ibid., pp. 322-325.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., pp. 153-155.
Richard TAYLOR, op. cit., p. 284-285.
Colin HAY, ‘Narrating Crisis : The Discursive Construction of the ‘Winter of Discontent’’, Sociology, vol. 30, no. 2, May 1996, pp. 253-277 ; Chris HOWELL, op.cit., pp. 143-144.
C’est le cas des Industrial Training Boards, de la Manpower Servives Commission et du National Economic Development Council.
J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN (ed.), Trade Unions in Europe: facing challenges and searching for solutions, Bruxelles : European Trade Union Institute, 2000, p. 579.
Kenneth O. MORGAN, Britain Since 1945 : The People’s Peace, Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2001, pp. 472-475.
Kenneth O. MORGAN, op. cit., p. 446 ; Chris HOWELL, op. cit., p. 159.
Alastair J. REID, United We Stand : A History of Britain’s Trade Unions, London : Penguin Books, 2005, pp. 399-400.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., p. 131.
Alastair J. REID, op. cit., p. 411 ; J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN (eds.), op. cit., p. 579.
J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN (ed.), op. cit., p. 63.
K. BRONFENBRENNER, F. FRIEDMAN, R. HURD, R. OSWALD & R. SEEBER (ed.). Organizing to Win: New Research on Union Strategies, Ithaca: New York, 1998, p. 43.
Ibid., p. 64
E. HEERY, M. SIMMS & D. SIMPSON, Research Bulletin : New Unionism Research Project, No. 5, June 1999, Cardiff University. Voir aussi le site du TUC qui présente le projet new unionism : http://www.tuc.org.uk/theme/index.cfm?theme=newunionism (consulté le 22 janvier 2009).
Trades Union Congress, ‘Unions celebrate 10th anniversary of TUC Organising Academy’, cf. http://www.tuc.org.uk/organisation/tuc-15476-f0.cfm?theme=newunionism (consulté le 22 janvier 2009).
Alastair J. REID, op. cit., pp. 407-409 ; J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN (ed.), op. cit., p. 615.
Heather STEWART, ‘Dirty business : cleaning up the Square Mile’s mess’, Observer, 17 décembre 2006. Cf. aussi le site de la TGWU, http://www.tgwu.org.uk ‘Campaigning’
J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 591 ; Alastair J. REID, op. cit., p. 411. La General and Municipal Workers Union (GMWU) s’allie à l’Amalgamated Society of Boilermakers Shipwrights Blacksmiths and Structural Workers (ASBSBSW), le syndicat des ouvriers des chantiers navals, à l’Association of Professional Executive Clerical and Computer Staff (APEX), regroupant les employés de bureau du secteur privé, et la National Union of Tailors and Garment Workers (NUTGW) – le syndicat du secteur de l’habillement – pour former en 1982 la General, Municipal, Boilermakers and Allied Trade Union (GMB). En 1992, l’Amalgamated Engineering Union (AEU) et l’Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union (EETPU), deux syndicats qui regroupaient à l’origine exclusivement des ouvriers qualifiés du secteur manufacturier, fusionnent pour former le syndicat à vocation généraliste l’Amalgamated Engineering and Electrical Union (AEEU). Cette dimension généraliste s’est encore accentuée avec l’alliance avec le syndicat Manufacturing, Science and Finance (MSF) qui a résulté dans la création de Amicus en 2001, puis la fusion avec la TGWU, qui a pris effet en 2007. Le super-syndicat formé par cette alliance, Unite, regroupe près de 2 millions de travailleurs. Des projets de fusion sont en cours avec le syndicat nord-américain United Steelworkers pour former une organisation internationale, Workers Uniting, qui compterait plus de 3 millions d’adhérents. À côté de la formation de ces deux grandes centrales généralistes, des fusions en série ont abouti à la formation de grands syndicats sectoriels dans les médias en 1992, le secteur public en 1993, les communications en 1995 et l’administration en 1998 avec respectivement la Graphical Paper and Media Union (GPMU), Unison, la Communication Workers Union (CWU) et la Public and Commercial Services Union (PCS).
Richard TAYLOR, op. cit., p. 268.
Margaret Thatcher aurait déclaré devant les parlementaires conservateurs le 19 juillet 1984 : ‘We had to fight an enemy without in the Falklands. We always have to be aware of the enemy within, which is more difficult to fight and more dangerous to liberty.’ Voir J. KELLY & B. ANGELO, ‘A Long Summer of Discontent’, Time, 30 juillet 1984.
Colin CROUCH, The Politics of Industrial Relations, London: Fontana, 1979, pp. 190-191.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., pp. 5-6.
J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 606 ; Edmund HEERY, ‘The Relaunch of the Trades Union Congress’, British Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 36, No. 3, 1998, pp. 339-360.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., pp. 181-182 ; J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 602.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., p. 180 ; J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 603.
‘Its strategy is to move forward from where Margaret Thatcher left off, rather than to dismantle every single thing she did.’ (Peter MANDELSON, The Blair Revolution Revisited, Westminster: Politico’s Publishing, 2002, p. 1).
‘British industrial relations has been changed for the better, and its basic legal framework which the Conservatives established will remain in place […].’ Ibid., pp. 12-13.
‘Now, with the renewed cooperation of the trade union movement, Labour will continue the battle against rising prices. With the wholehearted backing of the TUC, we have set ourselves a new target, to get inflation down to 5 per cent by 1982. […]This is a positive strategy for industry, based on cooperation between Government, trade unions, and management.’, Labour Party, 1979 Labour Party Manifesto, London : Labour Party, 1979.
‘We have rewritten our constitution, the new Clause IV, to put a commitment to enterprise alongside the commitment to justice. We have changed the way we make policy, and put our relations with the trade unions on a modern footing where they accept they can get fairness but no favours from a Labour government. Our MPs are all now selected by ordinary party members, not small committees or pressure groups. […] In industrial relations, we make it clear that there will be no return to flying pickets, secondary action, strikes with no ballots or the trade union law of the 1970s. There will instead be basic minimum rights for the individual at the workplace, where our aim is partnership not conflict between employers and employees.’, Labour Party, New Labour : Because Britain Deserves Better, London : Labour Party, 1997.
‘Labour was born a conservative party: it was too close to trade unionism; too obsessive about public ownership; too tied to myth; too rooted in the past.’, Philip GOULD, The Unfinished Revolution: How the Modernisers Saved the Labour Party, London : Abacus 1999, p. 24.
‘Growing rapidly in numbers, attracting thousands of working-class people, trade unions had a robustness and common sense which the other Labour organisations lacked. But they were also the source of organisational rigidity and the block vote, and they were born of cautious, defensive progress. By nature more sectional and inward-looking than their continental cousins, British trade unions were rooted in crafts not industry, battered by hostile legislation in the 1890s and 1906. They were not intrinsically modernising institutions.’, Ibid., p. 25.
‘From the party’s earliest days, Labour’s leaders were always keen to emphasise that Labour was a national party, not the representative in Parliament of trade-union sectional interests.’ Peter MANDELSON, op. cit., p. 24.
Florence FAUCHER-KING, ‘La “modernisation” du Parti travailliste, 1997-2007. Succès et difficultés de l’importation du modèle entrepreneurial dans un parti politique’, Politix, vol. 21, n°81, 2008, p. 136.
Carole BACHELOT, ‘Parti socialiste français et Parti travailliste britannique. Le cas des groupes dirigeants’, Vingtième Siècle. Revue d’Histoire, n°96, octobre-décembre 2007, p. 119
J. WADDINGTON et R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 599.
TULO rassemble début 2009 l’ Associated Society of Locomotive Steam Enginemen and Firemen (ASLEF), la Broadcasting Entertainment Cinematograph and Theatre Union (BECTU), la Bakers Food and Allied Workers Union (BFAWU), Community, la CWU, la GMB, la Musicians Union (MU), la National Association of Colliery Overmen Deputies and Shotfirers (NACODS), la NUM, la Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA), la Union of Construction Allied Trades and Technicians (UCATT), Unison, Unite, Unity et la Union of Shop Distributive and Allied Workers (USDAW).
Florence FAUCHER-KING, op. cit., p. 132.
Chris HOWELL, op. cit., p. 177.
Ibid., pp. 187-188.
David HENCKE, ‘MI5 opens door for union to represent spies’, Guardian, 12 September 2008.
J. WADDINGTON & R. HOFFMANN, op. cit., p. 600.
Le terme est apparu autour de 2002-2003. Les membres de cet ‘Awkward Squad’ étaient alors Bob Crow (RMT), Jeremy Dear (National Union of Journalists), Billy Hayes (Communication Workers Union), Paul Mackney (National Association of Teachers in Further and Higher Education, aujourd’hui partie de la University and College Union), Mark Serwotka (Public and Commercial Services Union), Derek Simpson (Amicus), Tony Woodley (TGWU) et Matt Wrack (FBU).
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